The Alevi World
Publish date 09-12-2024
On September 13, the Istanbul Metropolitan City Council, a sort of parliament that brings together representatives of the 60 municipal districts of the Turkish megalopolis, decided to officially recognize the “cemevi” as places of worship in all respects and to assign them to the Directorate for Relations with Institutions and Religious Communities, thus expanding the scope of the latter’s responsibilities. A cemevi is the place of prayer (alternative to the classic mosques) of the Alevis: a religious group with controversial origins, which probably has its roots in the 13th century.
Within Turkey’s predominantly Sunni Islam, the Alevis represent a Shiite-inspired Islam that sanctifies Ali, cousin and son-in-law of Mohammed, and his descendants. Like Shiite Muslims, Alevis believe that the twelve Imams are the only representatives of Islam, rejecting the legitimacy of the successive Umayyad, Abbasid and even Ottoman caliphates in the prophetic succession. Alevis certainly constitute the second religious group in Turkey, perhaps 20% of the entire country's population, an extremely important and not negligible electoral segment, often and willingly seduced and abandoned during the elections. That of Imamoğlu, mayor of the large urban agglomeration, is obviously a gesture of political significance that goes beyond the scope of the city administration. It is no coincidence that the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) opposed the decision of the city council, arguing that it is beyond its responsibilities, involving a constitutional dimension and therefore of a national character. In reality, not even the variegated Alevi universe moves in a unitary way in this complex issue. The chapters of history that tell the problematic relationship between Alevis and Turkish power are dominated by hostility and the former have often felt like an unwanted minority, if not persecuted. But the problem today is more cultural than religious. The vast majority of Alevis live a secular life and see Alevism primarily as a cultural affiliation, but this does not save them from the religious stigma.
On several occasions, the Turkish president himself has promised a new institution within the Ministry of Culture, the “Presidency of Alevi Bektashi Culture and Cemevis”, responsible for the construction of new places of worship, the maintenance of educational and religious activities, and the promotion of Alevi studies in universities and other research institutes. However, there is the suspicion that these are maneuvers to keep expressions of Alevism more under control, while Alevis ask above all to be recognized as full citizens, with their own conception of Islam. Since the 1960s, Turkey has seen tragic pages in which this community has been the victim of violent attacks: in Çorum, Malatya, Maras, Gazi, up to the tragedy of Sivas in 1993 in which, in a height of hatred and madness, some men set fire to a hotel that was hosting musicians and singers intent on celebrating Pir Sultan Abdal, a saint and poet highly revered in the Alevi tradition. Thirty-seven people were burned alive. These are wounds that remain open and that fuel suspicion, even with regard to alleged political openings of an electoral and instrumental nature. For this reason too, the initiative of the Metropolitan City of Istanbul represents a different approach: a programmatic opening that is accompanied by a renewed attention also for the expressions of non-Islamic cults, with the aim of a more inclusive citizenship, worthy of a city with a universal vocation lying on two continents and in open contrast with a polarizing political discourse.
Claudio Monge
NP October 2024